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regardless of immigration standing. Finally, Oliver argues that that so-called humanitarian responses to the up to date refugee crisis are governed by a similar self-justifying logic, which she calls carceral humanitarianism . According to this logic, refugees can justifiably be sorted into teams based on their perceived threat to host societies, made to show the trauma that constitutes their case for asylum, confined to detention facilities and refugee camps indefinitely, subjected to violence and denied basic human rights, and in lots of cases, handled like terrorist threats or prisoners of struggle. Merged with rescue politics, which represents refugees as helpless victims to be rescued and saved, carceral humanitarianism “turns refugees into criminals and charity instances simultaneously, which, in turn, turns into the troubling justification for locking them up or locking them in, more and more in dangerous, disease-ridden and sorely insufficient situations” . Finally, many current feminist philosophical analyses of migration explore the connection between transnational migration and varied forms of structural injustice, including gender oppression, racism and white supremacy, international economic inequality, militarization, and legacies of colonialism. For instance, Wilcox argues that transnational injustices generate sturdy moral claims to admission for certain groups of potential migrants. She advances two arguments for this claim. The first contends that the principle of collective political accountability obligates states to grant admission priority to prospective migrants who have been critically harmed by their insurance policies, together with economic insurance policies that disproportionately hurt girls and marginalized employees in less prosperous countries . Her second argument maintains that a commitment to relational egalitarianism entails rejecting immigration restrictions that contribute to oppressive transnational structural relations. In the context of gendered and racialized world provide chains, this consists of these restrictions on labor migration that increase employees’ vulnerability to exploitation, domination, violence, and marginalization . In addition to analyzing the gendered dimensions of globalization, feminist political philosophers focus on specific issues which were formed by it. Below, we discuss four consultant examples. First, we focus on two points related to economic globalization—economic justice and migration—and then we flip to 2 points linked to political globalization—human rights and international governance. Third, transnational feminists give attention to particular globalizing processes, such as the expansion of offshore manufacturing, rather than a theorized world patriarchy, and infrequently take current transnational feminist collectives as a model for their theoretical accounts of solidarity. For instance, Ann Ferguson argues that anti-globalization networks, such as worker-owned cooperatives, labor unions, fair

i was there sometimes i still am navy veteran baseball shirt 11 Copy
i was there sometimes i still am navy veteran baseball shirt 11 Copy

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