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clearly put their assist for Haftar above efforts for a negotiated solution. With¬out this support Haftar’s cussed rejectionism would have been unthinkable and a power-sharing settlement would have had a realistic probability of suc¬cess. The Egyptian and Emirati role was thus key to the failure of UN efforts. In mid-4 the Emirates launched airstrikes on militia positions in Tripoli without ever admitting it – and with out even consulting the US let alone European governments. The oft-repeated accusations by Haftar and his allies that Qatar Sudan and Turkey supported Libyan Islamists may also have inspired the Emir¬ati management to intervene. However there may be only sparse proof for such help to Haftar’s oppo¬nents. The intensive and barely concealed Emirati and Egyptian help for Haftar is far disproportionate to the few indications of Turkish and Sudanese arms deliveries or Qatari funds to Haftar’s adver¬saries. The political survival of the Presidency Council was exclusively as a result of inter¬national recognition. A second major weak point of the Presidency Council was that the Central Bank initially granted it solely restricted access to funds. Serraj who increasingly monopolised the scarce assets and decision-making powers of the Presidency Council gradually built up a precarious clientelist construction of rival politicians and militia leaders over whom he had no real management. Instead the government more and more came under the influ¬ence of a handful of militias that divided up Tripoli between themselves. Despite the fragmentation of the two camps the UN-led talks stuck to a binary framework the principal negotiating parties being the HoR and the GNC. From mid-5 onwards rifts opened up between supporters and opponents of the negotiations both within these two institutions and in particular person cities that had previously been clearly related to one or other of the camps. The politicians who signed the December 5 Skhirat agreement subsequently had shaky power bases. Repre¬sentatives from eastern Libya Misrata and Zintan who held positions within the -member Presidency Council typically confronted influential adversaries in their very own communities. In japanese Libya the place Haftar set the agenda opposition to the agreement

Jesus Christ give me your hand poster 41
Jesus Christ give me your hand poster 41

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