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orientation . Nothing in regards to the integration of these four practical features of action is static, let alone conservative, because the American reception of Parsons’s theory would have it e.g., Gouldner 1971. They just look at methods’ conditions in terms of differentiation and reintegration, as Comte already did. The highly dynamical side of the 4-fields scheme, even when not emphasized an excessive amount of by Parsons himself, turns into all of the more evident if one takes under consideration that four fields, taken together, in turn represent just one field associated to three others on the subsequent higher degree, such that both demands and helps coming from all these fields present how motion is bound by its social situation and sure also when it comes to having to “voluntarily” Parsons’s term; see additionally Parsons 1961 select its orientations to be able to fulfill its practical calls for. Is it only now that sociologists are starting to comprehend how stressful Parsons considers the act of action to be? Should sociologists look again at the tensions within the explicitly dilemmatic “sample variables” he and Edward A. Shils introduced to emphasise the complexity of decisions to be taken with any one motion Parsons and Shils 1951, seventy six–seventy nine? Besides, by together with the organic system, the personality system, the social system, and a cultural system all by itself among the many methods constituting his motion system, Parsons may be considered one of many first really cognitive scientists at a time when even the time period cognitive science had barely been invented. ing underneath international rule, whereby civil society is absent and wherein colonial peoples are not formally free? Instead of social order, the standpoint of colonized topics would likely lead us to completely other dimensions of social life, hence other classes—for instance, repression, violence, or dispossession. Even if there was “order” in colonized societies such that it might be a useful object of research, certainly the metropolitan-based theories for explaining it would warrant critical reconsideration. In a context of colonial repression, for example, social order would hardly be defined as the result of individuals freely pursuing their interests or as the result of people spontaneously in search of out, in Albion Small’s theory, “mutual affiliation” based upon social resemblances. In brief, even when we agree on the relevance of the category “social order,” we would wish completely different theories to explain it, and a subaltern standpoint would be a fruitful entry means toward crafting such theories. Admittedly, in itself, a subaltern standpoint approach doesn’t mechanically supply a special principle of social order and even of different social objects. What it does do is provincialize such objects, thereby clearing the bottom for other localized concerns and classes to be explored, researched, and theorized. In different words, such an strategy might help us reorient

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