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ly constituent meeting by a revolutionary provisional government. The proletariat and progressive sections of the revolutionary democrats began road fighting towards the tsarist army and police. The revolutionary occasions in Moscow have been the first flashes of lightning in a thunderstorm and so they have lit up a brand new subject of battle. The promulgation of the State Duma Act and the conclusion of peace have marked the beginning of a new period within the historical past of the Russian revolution. Already weary of the employees’ persistent wrestle and disturbed by the spectre of “uninterrupted revolution”, the liberal bourgeoisie has heaved a sigh of aid and joyously caught at the sop thrown to it. All alongside the line a struggle has begun against the concept of a boycott, and liberalism has turned brazenly in the direction of the right. Unfortunately, even among the many Social-Democrats within the new-Iskra camp there are unstable people who are prepared on certain phrases to support these bourgeois traitors to the revolution, and to take the State Duma “significantly”. The events in Moscow, it may be hoped, will put the sceptics to disgrace, and will assist the doubters to make a proper appraisal of the state of affairs on the brand new area of battle. Anaemic intellectuals’ dreams of the possibility of well-liked elections beneath the autocracy, as well as illusions harboured by dull-witted liberals relating to the State Duma’s crucial importance, vanished into thin air on the very first main revolutionary motion by the proletariat. It is on this final talked about mistake that we suggest to dwell in detail. The undeveloped state of the category contradictions in the people generally, and within the peasantry in particular, is an unavoidable phenomenon in the epoch of a democratic revolution, which for the primary time lays the foundations for a very intensive development of capitalism. This lack of economic growth results in the survival and revival, in one type or another, of the backward forms of a socialism which is petty-bourgeois, for it idealises reforms that do not transcend the framework of petty-bourgeois relation ships. The mass of the peasants do not and cannot realise that the fullest “freedom” and the “justest” distribution even of all of the land, far from destroying capitalism, will, quite the opposite, create the circumstances for a very intensive and powerful improvement of capitalism. Whereas Social-Democracy singles out and helps only the revolutionary-democratic substance of these peasant aspirations, petty-bourgeois socialism elevates to a theory this political backwardness of the peasants, complicated or jumbling collectively the prerequisites and the tasks of a real democratic revolution with these of an imaginary socialist revolution. The Social-Democrats must wage a relentless

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