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one rebellion after one other.” Engels’ views on the conduct of the rebellion, on the organisation of the revolution, and on the utilisation of the revolutionary governmental energy are as far removed from the tail-ist views of the brand new Iskra as heaven is from earth. It was thus a question of battle for the republic, a question of the democratic, not of the socialist, revolution. The question of the employees’ taking a hand within the events offered itself in a twofold facet on the time. On the one hand, the Bakuninists or “Alliancists”—-the founders of the “Alliance” for wrestle towards the Marxist “Inter national” negated political activity, participation in elections, and so forth. On the opposite hand, they have been towards participation in a revolution which didn’t goal on the instant and full emancipation of the working class; they have been against participation of no matter kind in a revolutionary authorities. It is this second side of the question that holds special interest for us in the light of our dispute. It was this aspect, by the way, which gave rise to the formulation of the difference in precept between the two tactical slogans. Plekhanov’s inference is completely false. It brings us again to the confusion of socialist dictatorship and democratic dictatorship for which we’ve so often had event to criticise L. Martov and Martynov. Marx and Engels in 1850 did not differentiate between democratic dictatorship and socialist dictatorship, or, rather, they did not mention the previous at all, since they thought of capitalism to be in a state of senile decay and socialism near. Nor did they, for the same purpose, differentiate at the time between a minimal and a most programme. If this distinction is to be made as it’s being made now by all of us, Marxists, who are combating the bourgeois-democratic revolutionariness of the “Socialists-Revolutionaries”, because they do not underneath stand the excellence, then the question of the socialist and the democratic dictatorship have to be dealt with individually. In not so doing, Plekhanov is guilty of inconsistency. By selecting an evasive formulation and talking normally phrases of “the participation of socialists in a petty-bourgeois authorities”, he substitutes the question of the socialist dictatorship for the clearly, positively and precisely offered query of the democratic dictatorship. He con founds to cite the comparison of Vperyod the participation of Millerand in a Cabinet together with Galliffet within the epoch instantly preceding the socialist revolution with that of Varlin in a revolutionary authorities together with petty bourgeois democrats who defended and safeguarded the republic. Consider the meaning of those categorical statements! After two years of open revolution, after the victory of the favored rebellion in Berlin, after the convocation of a revolutionary

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